Central African Republic

"A Phantom State"

The Central African Republic (CAR) is one of the most poverty-stricken countries in the world, ranking 172nd on the United Nations Human Development Index. Compounding the effects of this poverty, more than twenty-five percent of the population suffers from the effects of constant violent conflict and social upheaval.

The CAR has a history of continuous political instability since its independence in 1960. Military unrest has been a constant feature of national politics, with every head of government either gaining power through or being overthrown by a coup. In the last decade alone, the CAR experienced at least 10 coup attempts and army mutinies. Coupling this unstable political structure with widespread lawlessness, International Crisis Group called the CAR a "phantom state" as it has lacked meaningful institutional capacity since at least 1979.

The 2003 Military Coup

The roots of the current conflict lie in the latest military coup of 2003. Throughout his presidency (1993-2003), Ange Félix Patassé was accused of engaging in tribal and ethnic favoritism. Although full-scale civil war was avoided by the ratification of the Bangui Agreements in 1996, this regional peace agreement did not prevent the mutinies and factionalism within the government and army that weakened Patassé's powerbase.

On October 26, 2001, Patassé fired his Army Chief of Staff, François Bozizé, effectively dividing the CAR armed forces between Patassé and Bozizé loyalists. With factions continuously breaking away from the national army, Patassé became increasingly vulnerable. Following a failed coup attempt in October 2002, Bozizé successfully overthrew Patassé on March 15, 2003 with rebels known as the libératuers. Bozizé then deliberately excluded Patassé from being considered a legitimate candidate in the 2005 elections.

Between the failed 2002 coup and the successful attempt of March 2003, both sides committed human rights violations on a massive scale. The violence had regional dimensions as Patassé drew support from rebels in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Chad, and Libya. Outside of a 380 member peacekeeping force, primarily staffed by the European Union (the Multinational Force for the CAR), no attempts were made by the international community to protect civilians during this period. Recently, the International Criminal Court has authorized investigations into the atrocities committed in the CAR during this period.

Unfortunately, the ethnic and political tensions which escalated during Patassé's reign continue to rise after Bozizé took power.

Conflict in the Northwest

The rebellion in the northwest is largely composed of Patassé’s former Presidential Guard and local residents dissatisfied with the current Bozizé regime and historic marginalization of the northwest.

This marginalization has deep economic and political consequences on the country's north, but also deeply affected the security of civilians in the region. Zaraguinas or coupeurs de route (road bandits) chronically terrorize civilians living near the CAR-Chad-Cameroon border regions, looting villages and attacking people on the road. The zaraguinas have taken advantage of the security vacuum resulting from governmental neglect of the northern regions. Recently, members of the Peulh ethnic group have been particularly targeted due to their valuable livestock holding. Due to this rise in looting and banditry, many Peulh have fled to refugee camps in Chad.

Taking this major grievance into account, the Popular Army for the Restoration of Republic and Democracy (APRD) formed to oppose the Bozizé regime. The APRD seeks to settle the political disputes and strives to protect villages from the zaraguinas, demanding that the government provide the region with adequate security. Regardless of the support it has in the northwest, the APRD can only count on 1,000 poorly equipped members. Despite this small force, their presence and activities have triggered severe counterinsurgency campaigns by the CAR government, leading to the perpetration of severe crimes against humanity.

Conflict in the Northeast

Meanwhile, the Union of Democratic Forces for Unity (UFDR) had mounted a separate rebellion against the Bozizé regime in the northeast. The UFDR, an alliance of multiple rebel movements within the region, is comprised of the following broad-based groups: 1) members of the historically marginalized, predominately Muslim ethnic groups, particularly the Gulas; 2) ex-libératuers, former Bozizé supporters who have broke away due to various grievances including lack of compensation; and 3) Patassé supporters.

The northeast of the CAR is essentially cut off from the more prosperous south. This isolation is more pronounced during the rainy season, because of the difficulty travelling on poorly constructed roads. The government has never addressed the famines and the humanitarian crises that have repeatedly occurred in the region due to the lack of access to basic human necessities.

The Gula led the militarization of this majority Muslim region beginning in 2002. In this already poverty-stricken region, Sudanese nomads came to the CAR in search of water and grazing opportunities. Open conflict ensued between the CAR Gulas and the Sudanese nomads, which was subsequently ignored by the government. This caused the Gulas to form a series of self-defense units to force the Sudanese nomads out, especially after the May 8, 2002 murder of Yahya Ramadan, a prominent spiritual leader. These self-defense units eventually evolved into the UFDR (the Union of Democratic Forces for Unity). Even though the CAR and Sudan reached a peace agreement regarding the border incursions, it has never been effectively implemented. The Gulas also believe that Bozizé embezzled the compensation that Sudan sent to the CAR for the building of schools in the northeast.

Meanwhile, members of Bozizé's former rebel groups, the libérateurs, began to join the UFDR. Since Bozizé was unable to incorporate all the libérateurs into his Presidential Guard, those who were excluded broke away from the national army. Unpaid for their support and left with unfulfilled promises, the former libérateurs began to lash out against Bozizé alongside the Gulas. These ex-libérateurs also joined with the remaining Patassé supporters in the region.

In 2005, it became apparent that the UFDR had allied themselves with Sudanese-sponsored, Chadian rebel groups such as the Movement for Peace, Reconstruction and Development (MPRD) and the United Front for Change (FUC). These ties prompted the CAR to launch widespread counterinsurgency campaigns against the UFDR.

Current Situation

The conflict between the central government and rebel groups has affected the lives of many citizens of the CAR with over one-quarter of the population falling victim to atrocities on either side. Since the middle of 2005, nearly 197,000 people have been internally displaced with an additional 98,000 crossing the border into Cameroon, Chad or Sudan. The humanitarian situation in the Central African Republic has been cited by UNHCR chief António Guterres as one of the most neglected crises in the world.

On May 9th, the APRD signed a ceasefire agreement with the Bozizé government, becoming the last rebel group to join the nascent national peace process. This was followed on June 19th by the signature of the Inter-Central African Global Peace Agreement, bringing together the various rebel movements and the central government with the aim of bringing peace to the Central African Republic.